XVIIIe COLLOQUE INTERNATIONAL DE PALÉOGRAPHIE LATINE St-Gall (CH), 11 – 14 septembre 2013

PROGRAMME

Le Scriptorium / The Scriptorium

Mercredi 11 septembre, matin

1. La problématique des scriptoria

• D. MUZERELLE (Paris), A la (re)découverte des scriptoria : l’exemple du Catalogue des manuscrits datés français.
• D. GANZ (Notre Dame, In.), Can a scriptorium always be identified by its products?

2.Le développement historique des scriptoria

• P. FIORETTI (Bari), Prima dello scriptorium. Esperienze di produzione manoscritta comunitaria in età tardoantica.
• D. TRONCA (Verona), Lo scriptorum della cattedrale di Verona attraverso l’analisi dei manoscritti delle opere di sant’Agostino.
• L. REYNHOUT (Bruxelles), Scriptores de scriptoriis : mentions de ” scriptoria ” dans les colophons latins, les mots et les réalités.

Mercredi 11 septembre, après-midi

3. Problèmes stylistiques.

• M. GURRADO (Paris), L’homogénéité graphique du scriptorium de Saint-Pierre de Jumièges au XIe siècle.
• A.M.J. IRVING (Yale Univ.), Uniformity and Variability in Cassinese Gospel Books. A Case Study in Scriptorium Production Engineering and its Description.
• M. BERNASCONI REUSSER (Fribourg), Handschriften und Inschriften aus dem Kloster Allerheiligen in Schaffhausen (CH)
• Å. OMMUNDSEN (Bergen), Seeing scriptoria in scraps: Norwegian manuscript fragments and their historical context.

4. La production documentaire des scriptoria.

• P. ERHART (St. Gallen), Zwischen Kanzlei und Scriptorium: Urkunden- und Handschriftenproduktion im Kloster St.Gallen in der Zeit von Abt Grimald 841-872.
• M. MARCHIARO (Pistoia), La produzione documentaria e libraria nella canonica di San Zeno di Pistoia (sec. XI-XII).
• I. CECCHERINI & T. DE ROBERTIS (Firenze), Scriptoria e cancellerie nella Firenze del XIII e XIV secolo.

Jeudi 12 septembre, matin

5. Tour d’Europe des scriptoria (I)

• M.R.B. MORUJÃO (Coimbra), Le scriptorium de la cathédrale de Coimbra au Moyen Âge.
• M. WAGENDORFER (Wien), Welche Skriptorien? Zu Stand und Perspektiven der Skriptorien-Forschung in Österreich.
• GUÐVARÐUR M. GUNNLAUGSSON (Reykjavík), The Helgafell Scriptorium (Iceland, 14th cent.).
(Pause)

6. Tour d’Europe des scriptoria (II)

• J. ŠEDIVÝ (Bratislava), Gab es im spätmittelalterlichen Pressburg ein Skriptorium?
• W. MROZOWICZ (Wroclaw), Das Schreiben im Kloster als Weise der Bereicherung der Klosterbibliothek (am Beispiel der Sammlungen der regulierten Augustiner-Chorherren zu Zagan/Sagan)
• H. PÁTKOVÁ (Praha), Between Middle Ages and modern era. Some remarks on the writing and scriptoria in the reformed Franciscan monasteries in Bohemia in the end of 15th and beginning of 16th centuries.

Vendredi 13 septembre, matin

7. Scriptoria et vie intellectuelle

• C. DENOËL & F. CINATO (Paris), Y a-t-il eu un scriptorium à Auxerre au temps d’Heiric ?
• T.J.H. McCARTHY (***), The foundation and development of a Bamberg scriptorium: Frutolf of Michelsberg and his early twelfth-century legacy.
• G. MURANO (Firenze), Uno scriptorium di corte: Carlo d’Angiò e magister Faragius.

8. Scriptoria et vie religieuse

• T. WEBBER (Cambridge), Script, book production and the practice of the Rule at Christ Church, Canterbury in the mid twelfth century.
• E. GIRAUD [née RUTHERFORD] (Cambridge), The Dominican Scriptorium at St Jacques, and its production of liturgical exemplars.
• X. HERMAND (Namur), Entre le scriptorium et la cella : production communautaire et copie individuelle dans les monastères de l’ordre des Croisiers au XVe siècle.

Vendredi 13 septembre, après-midi

9. Les méthodes de travail dans les scriptoria

• C. EGGER (Wien), Die Suche nach dem archimedischen Punkt. Methodische Probleme der Erforschung von Scriptorien und Buchproduktion im 12. Jahrhundert am Beispiel von Admont und Klosterneuburg.
• R.G. BABCOCK (Chapel Hill, N.C.) & A. DEROLEZ (Ghent), The Gembloux scriptorium in the Eleventh century.
• D. STUTZMANN (Paris), Un couteau dans la main gauche ? Organisation du scriptorium et correction des textes d’après le feuillet de corrections du ms. Paris, Bibl. nat. de france, Arsenal, ms. 302.
(Pause)

10. Productions spécifiques

• F. NEWTON (Duke Univ.), Proving the Existence of a Scriptorium: The Case of the Early South Italian Liturgical Rolls (Saec. X ex.) and the (Hitherto Unidentified) Scriptorium at Benevento from which They Came.
• L. YAWN (Roma), Occasional Workshops and Clustered Production of Eleventh-Century Italian Giant Bibles and Patristic Manuscripts.

11. Recherches en cours (présentations sommaires)

• P. STOKES (London), The DigiPal Project for Late Anglo-Saxon Script.
• A. PUGLIA (Arezzo), Scrivere nelle cattedrali della Toscana occidentale. Pisa, Lucca e Volterra nei secoli X-XII.
• E. NIBLAEUS (Erlangen), The Production of Liturgical Books for the Twelfth-Century Parish Church – Where and How?

Hors programme

• E. TREMP (St. Gallen), Bedeutung und Organisation des Scriptoriums im frühmittelalterlichen Kloster St. Gallen – das Zeugnis der Geschichtsschreibung.

Résumés / Abstracts

Defining a scriptorium on the basis of the correctors : the case of Gembloux Robert G. BABCOCK University of North Carolina (Chapel Hill) rbabcock@email.unc.edu Albert DEROLEZ Free Universities of BrusselsThe Benedictine Abbey of Gembloux flourished in the 11th century, and an extensive library was created under Abbot Olbert (1012-1048). The historian Sigebert spent most of his career at Gembloux, making use of the riches of the Gembloux collection. More than 50 manuscripts of the 11th century came to the Royal Library in Brussels in the 18th century, and important Gembloux manuscripts of Cicero, Ovid, Lucan, Manilius, Claudian, and others, have been studied by editors for centuries. But most of the “Gembloux” manuscripts have no documented provenance before the 17th century, and there has been no comprehensive paleographical or codicological study of the collection. We have undertaken such a study, and will report on our findings to date. We have already been able to identify specific criteria which allow the vast majority of the 11th-century Gembloux collection to be identified as products of the same scriptorium. In particular, we will talk about the formats of the books, about the original correctors of the volumes, and about the 11th-century readers who annotated them. The correcting and annotating of the volumes not only show that most of the manuscripts were at Gembloux in the 11th-century, but document an unexpectedly intensive scholarly engagement with the collection in this period. So far as we know, defining a scriptorium on the basis of the correctors, rather than the original scribes, has not been done before. Handschriften und Inschriften aus dem Kloster Allerheiligen in Schaffhausen (CH) Marina BERNASCONI REUSSER Virtuelle Handschriftenbibliothek der Schweiz, Fribourg (CH) marina.bernasconireusser@unifr.ch Zwei Voraussetzungen müssen erfüllt sein, wenn man die Annahme überprüfen will, dass es in einem bestimmten Scriptorium zwischen der handschriftlichen Produktion einer kirchlichen Institution und anderen Formen von Schriftlichkeit gleicher Provenienz, insbesondere den Inschriften, gewisse Beziehungen, eine Beeinflussung oder sogar eine Identität der Schreiber geben könnte: – eine Kenntnis der Produktion des Scriptoriums, die auf Grund von objektiven Daten (Auftraggeber, Datierung) oder paläographischer Typologien, kodikologischer Eigenarten oder kunsthistorischer Argumente rekonstruiert werden kann – das Vorhandensein einer gewissen Anzahl von Inschriften, entweder gehauen oder gemalt, die aus dem Kloster mit dem Scriptorium selbst oder seiner näheren Umgebung stammen. In der Schweiz scheint das Kloster Allerheiligen in Schaffhausen die besten Voraussetzungen für eine Untersuchung dieser Fragestellung zu bieten. Von den Grafen von Nellenburg im Jahre 1049 gegründet, in den Jahren der Reform von Hirsau (1090 – Beginn des 12. Jahrhunderts) umgebaut und in spätromanischer Zeit ein weiteres Mal erweitert, wurde es später nicht mehr grundlegend verändert. Das Kloster war Sitz eines Scriptoriums, dessen Beginn zur Zeit des Abts Sigfried (1080 – 1096) anzusetzen ist und das bis in das erste Viertel bzw. die erste Hälfte des 12. Jahrhunderts in Betrieb war, eine Zeit, in der die Versorgung mit den grundlegenden monastischen Handschriften als abgeschlossen betrachtet wurde. Der grösste Teil dieser Handschriften befindet sich auch heute noch in der Bibliothek von Schaffhausen und ist sehr gut erforscht. 1921 / 22 wurden bei Restaurierungsarbeiten sechs Lünetten aus Stein mit verschiedenen Bildmotiven (Enthauptung von Johannes dem Täufer, Herodes und Salome, der Storch und der Fuchs, Jagdszene, etc.) gefunden. Diese werden am oberen Rand von Inschriften gerahmt, deren Buchstaben eine enge Verwandtschaft mit der charakteristischen, Auszeichnungsschrift – in der Literatur als Zierkapitalis bezeichnet – aus der Blütezeit des Scriptoriums aufweisen. Der genaue Anbringungsort der Lünetten, die bisher auf Grund einer kunsthistorischen Einordnung der Reliefs in die zweite Hälfte des 12. Jahrhunderts datiert worden sind, ist unbekannt. Zum Bestand des aus der Zeit der Erbauung und der frühen Entwicklung des Klosters und der Produktion von Handschriften stammenden epigraphischen Ensembles gehören auch eine Grabplatte, auf der mit den zugehörigen Beischriften einige Mitglieder der Familie von Nellenburg dargestellt sind, und eine sehr seltene Terrakottaplatte mit Inschriften, die vielleicht der Herstellung von Gebäck diente. Mein Beitrag hat zum Ziel, die möglichen Übereinstimmungen zwischen der Auszeichnungsschrift der Handschriften und des in den Lünetten-Inschriften verwendeten Alphabets zu untersuchen. Dies könnte zu einer früheren Datierung der Lünetten, aber auch zu einer allgemeinen Neueinschätzung der gesamten epigraphischen Produktion aus der Geburtszeit und der Blütezeit des Klosters führen. Scriptoria e cancellerie nella Firenze del XIII e XIV secolo. Irene CECCHERINI irene.ceccherini@ductus.it Teresa DE ROBERTIS Università di Firenze teresa.derobertis@unifi.it Proponiamo una relazione a quattro mani che entra nel merito della definizione di scriptorium, della sua natura e della sua funzione, spostando il punto di vista sulla produzione “laica” a partire da alcune situazioni attestate nella Firenze del XIII e XIV secolo, quando la città diventa centro di una produzione libraria di assoluto rilievo per numero dei libri e loro qualità. Nel contesto urbano fiorentino sono presenti grandi biblioteche monastiche e conventuali, in cui si producono anche manoscritti secondo modelli tradizionali di libro, con finalità legate allo studio e alla devozione e con modalità riconducibili alla definizione tradizionale di scriptorium. Tuttavia, le soluzioni più innovative sul piano grafico e codicologico appaiono realizzarsi al di fuori di questi contesti: basti per tutti l’esempio di quella che è stata a lungo considerata l’officina scrittoria responsabile della prima diffusione della Commedia di Dante. Se l’idea di tale officina, intesa come luogo fisico di produzione organizzata, è stata di recente confutata, sono tuttavia emersi alcuni casi di manoscritti che dimostrano inequivocabilmente l’esistenza di ambienti di lavoro in cui si producono libri con modalità analoghe a quelle descritte per gli scriptoria ecclesiastici: in cui si riconosce la figura di un responsabile che sceglie i testi e ne organizza la copia, li distribuisce fra più scribi, ne segue il lavoro e lo corregge e in certi casi addestra i suoi copisti allo scopo di ottenere risultati graficamente accettabili e fra loro omogenei. Quello che ci sembra possa costituire motivo di interesse è che a produrre questi codici sono scribi attivi all’interno di quella che, semplificando, possiamo chiamare la cancelleria del Comune di Firenze: una realtà costituita da una costellazione di più uffici, che nel periodo in questione cambiano fisionomia e funzioni, ma che trova nella presenza dei notai un forte elemento di continuità, che non è solo grafica, ma anche culturale. Prendendo in esame tutti i casi che testimoniano l’esistenza di queste realtà di produzione libraria e mettendoli a confronto con le prassi di produzione di libri a contenuto documentario e normativo (cartulari, statuti, imbreviature, libri di conti), discuteremo i seguenti punti: necessità e funzione di una produzione libraria interna agli uffici (2a); personale e organizzazione del lavoro (2c); addestramento degli scribi (2e); verifica dell’eventuale esistenza di una finalità anche commerciale (2i). Nell’interpretazione di questi dati, in prospettiva paleografica, discuteremo il ruolo avuto da questi centri per la promozione delle scritture di tipo “cancelleresco” come scritture del libro (3g). Ai fini di un’interpretazione del concetto di scriptorium, ci sembra che i casi presi in esame costituiscano una sorta di tappa intermedia verso realtà di produzione libraria di natura puramente commerciale e che, almeno a Firenze, rappresentano la grande novità del secolo successivo (3f), basti per tutti l’esempio di Vespasiano da Bisticci. Y a-t-il eu un scriptorium à Auxerre au temps d’Heiric ? Charlotte DENOËL charlotte.denoel@bnf.fr Franck CINATO BnF, ParisCette communication a pour objet de dresser un état de la question auxerroise à l’époque carolingienne, suite à la parution du troisième volume (2011) de la Clavis scriptorum latinorum medii aevi. Auctores Galliae, 735-987 où est remise en question la localisation de l’activité d’Haymon et d’Heiric à Auxerre. Selon Véronika von Büren, ce dernier (841-v. 876) aurait travaillé et enseigné à Reims sous l’abbatiat d’Hincmar. Cette révision est fondée sur des critères à la fois textuels et paléographiques : l’écriture personnelle d’Heiric partage des traits caractéristiques de l’écriture rémoise, et les sources d’Heiric utilisées pour la rédaction de sa Vita metrica sancti Germani n’étaient disponibles qu’à Reims. D’autres auteurs (Contreni, Traube…) estiment qu’Heiric aurait enseigné à Saint-Médard de Soissons et à Laon. Il est néanmoins permis de se demander si les arguments avancés par ces différents auteurs suffisent à remettre en question l’existence d’une école et d’un scriptorium au sein de l’abbaye Saint-Germain d’Auxerre. A travers l’étude du corpus de manuscrits subsistants attribués à Auxerre (en particulier le groupe des manuscrits d’Heliseus, Paris BnF latins 2394, 2395 et 7584) et une comparaison avec la production rémoise, nous tenterons de cerner les éventuelles caractéristiques paléographiques, codicologiques et textuelles d’une production locale et d’apporter des éléments de réponse aux questions suivantes : l’abbaye Saint-Germain disposait-elle d’un scriptorium à l’époque d’Heiric ? Si son existence est bien attestée, ce scriptorium alimentait-il l’ensemble de l’abbaye ou seulement l’école ? Heiric n’a-t-il pu enseigner à Saint-Germain d’Auxerre, dans la mesure où les livres voyageaient avec leurs maîtres ? Cette dernière question nous amènera enfin à nous interroger sur les réseaux qui unissaient Auxerre aux centres intellectuels de Reims, Auxerre, Ferrières, Fleury et Laon à cette époque. Die Suche nach dem archimedischen Punkt. Methodische Probleme der Erforschung von Scriptorien und Buchproduktion im 12. Jahrhundert am Beispiel von Admont und Klosterneuburg Christoph EGGER Universität Wien eggerc8@login.univie.ac.at Zwei mit reichen mittelalterlichen Handschriftenbeständen versehene monastische Institutionen im heutigen Österreich sind Admont (Benediktiner, gegr. 1074) und Klosterneuburg (Augustiner Chorherren, gegr. 1114/1133). In beiden Häusern wurden im 12. Jahrhundert Bücher geschrieben, sie verfügten nach der gängigen Terminologie also über Scriptorien. Darüber jedoch, wie man sich diese Scriptorien vorzustellen hat, wie die Arbeit in ihnen organisiert war, wieviele der heute in den genannten Häusern verwahrten mittelalterlichen Handschriften tatsächlich dort geschrieben worden sind, fehlen bisher systematische Untersuchungen. Begründet liegt diese unbefriedigende Forschungssituation vor allem in großen methodischen Problemen. Wie ist ein Scriptorium bei monastischen Institutionen zu fassen, die in regem intellektuellem und personellem Austausch mit anderen Institutionen gestanden haben? Wo kann eine einschlägige Untersuchung ansetzen, um das Eigene vom Fremden zu unterscheiden? In meinem Vortrag möchte ich in zwei zeitlich eng begrenzten Längsschnitten (Admont – Mitte 12. Jh.; Klosterneuburg – um 1200) Ansatzpunkte für eine Untersuchung des Schriftwesens in den beiden Häusern vorschlagen. Diese sind im Fall von Admont eine auffällige Gestaltung des Schriftbildes vor allem an Text- und Lagenenden, im Fall von Klosterneuburg zwei etwa gleichzeitig um 1200 angelegte Bücherlisten. Lassen sich so Kriterien gewinnen, die die Bildung von Teilmengen aus dem gesamten Handschriftenbestand ermöglichen, die dann zum Gegenstand eingehender paläographischer Untersuchungen gemacht werden können? Was stellen diese Teilmengen von Handschriften dar – erlauben sie wirklich Einblicke in die Tätigkeit eines Scriptoriums zu einer bestimmten Zeit? Zwischen Kanzlei und Scriptorium: Urkunden- und Handschriftenproduktion im Kloster St.Gallen in der Zeit von Abt Grimald 841-872 Peter ERHART St.Gallen Peter.Erhart@sg.ch Nachdem unter Abt Gozbert (816-837) die wichtigsten baulichen und inhaltlichen Weichenstellungen für den Aufbau und die Erschliessung eines zunehmenden Urkunden- und Bücherbestandes realisiert worden waren, erfahren Archiv und Bibliothek unter Abt Grimald (841-872) eine unvergleichbare Blütezeit. Kaum zufällig fällt die erste Nennung der bibliothecarii Liuthart und Uto in dieses vom gemeinsamen Wirken des oftmals abwesenden Abtes Grimald und seines Dekans Hartmut geprägte Abbatiat, in dem das Kloster sich vom Bistum Konstanz emanzipieren und in den Bereichen des monastischen, wissenschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Lebens einen Aufschwung verzeichnen konnte. Erste Bücherverzeichnisse aus dieser Zeit vermitteln das Bild einer ursprünglich bescheidenen Klosterbibliothek, die durch Eigenproduktion und Schenkungen plötzlich sehr rasch gewachsen ist. Randnotizen belegen bereits den ersten Leihverkehr mit der Klosterschule und auswärtigen Orten. Im Mittelpunkt dieses Beitrags stehen jene Schreiber, die an der Schnittstelle zwischen Kanzlei und Scriptorium tätig waren. Prominente Schreiberhände wie jene der Mönche Notker Balbulus, Folchards, Liuthards, Isos, Albrichs, Marcellus’ (Moengal) und Engilberts, um nur einige zu nennen, waren stets sowohl in die Urkunden- als auch in die Handschriftenproduktion involviert. Das Verhältnis der kaum zu scheidenden Buch- und Urkundenschriften wurde aber nur vereinzelt untersucht. Hinzu kommen die Mitwirkung dieser Schreiber an der Neuanlage des jüngeren St.Galler Verbrüderungsbuches und die Herauslösung ihrer Unterschriften im Professbuch. Im Rahmen der Editionsarbeiten dieser beiden Bücher und der St.Galler Urkunden für die Reihe der “Chartae Latinae Antiquiores” erzielte Ergebnisse könnten 2013 erstmals in St.Gallen präsentiert werden. Prima dello scriptorium. Esperienze di produzione manoscritta comunitaria in età tardoantica. Paolo FIORETTI Università degli Studi di Bari “Aldo Moro” paolo.fioretti@uniba.it L’intervento intende soffermarsi su quali siano state le matrici originarie del modello di scriptorium affermatosi durante l’alto medioevo. L’attenzione sarà concentrata sull’età tardoantica mediante l’approfondimento di alcune esperienze comunitarie di produzione manoscritta legate soprattutto ad ambienti ecclesiastici, in particolare patristici, e monastici, ma anche ad altre realtà. Si tratta di esperienze sostanzialmente nuove, nelle quali si devono valutare da un lato il rapporto con la tradizione antica – segnato quindi per lo più da cesure, sebbene non manchino alcuni elementi di una qualche continuità -, dall’altro l’emergere di pratiche innovative che sotto alcuni aspetti anticipano quanto verrà stabilizzandosi a cominciare dal VII secolo. L’idea di fondo, infatti, è che il monachesimo benedettino, nel momento in cui organizza il proprio sistema di produzione libraria in uno scriptorium definito nelle sue strutture e nei suoi compiti, raccolga in parte, rielaborandola e adattandola alle sue esigenze, una eredità precedente. Se nel mondo antico greco-romano la manifattura libraria era affidata a copisti che, pur in un medesimo ambito, lavoravano di regola individualmente, senza alcun progetto grafico comune – tanto che i libri di quell’epoca scritti da più mani si dimostrano rarissimi e costituiscono comunque casi anomali – la tarda antichità segna, con il trionfo del cristianesimo, una forte discontinuità. Tra le molteplici modalità di produzione libraria tipiche di quest’epoca, particolare interesse suscitano quelle che paiono prefigurare lo scriptorium altomedievale: si tratta di esperienze scrittorie comunitarie che si svolgono specialmente per e all’interno di ambienti cristiani intorno a Padri della Chiesa o a vescovi, ma talvolta pure nell’àmbito delle più antiche realtà monastiche e delle prime scuole cristiane. Al fine di documentare o ricostruire, attraverso casi esemplari, forme e pratiche degli “scriptoria prima degli scriptoria”, si indagheranno alcune testimonianze manoscritte dei secoli IV-VI, greche e latine, direttamente conservatesi per le quali le analisi paleografiche, codicologiche e testuali rendono fondata l’ipotesi di una modalità di produzione ‘collettiva’, nonché fonti storico-letterarie e sottoscrizioni tardoantiche trasmessesi in codici medievali. Can a scriptorium always be identified by its products? David GANZ ganz.palaeography@gmail.com The St Gall plan, and verses for scriptoria composed by Isidore, Alcuin, Lupus of Ferrières and others establish that scribes worked together in a designated working space. Since Delisle’s work on Tours palaeographers have identified manuscripts as the products of such scriptoria. But scribes might write very different scripts together in the same scriptorium (for example at Tours in the Merovingian period and at Fulda in the ninth century.) This paper will address cases where scribes at the same centre lack a shared set of conventions about the treatment of the shapes of letters, (as Webber has shown at Salisbury) and ways in which shared sets of such conventions change within a definable scriptorium, to suggest that searching for the distinctive details of letter forms shared by scribes may risk the application of an over rigid positivism to the study of manuscripts. At different times, in different circumstances, and especially when copying books with different functions, different attitudes prevailed regarding the levels of consistency required in the style of script, the hierarchy of scripts to be used, the proper punctuation of a text prevailed. Books copied at the same centre had very different uses, (liturgical, devotional, reference, private reading, collective study.) The standards of writing which were considered acceptable for books within (and outside) a community depended on a large number of variable factors, from the size and wealth of the community to the collective discipline of the members. (Jarrow and Cluny may have been equally large, but the small surviving group of manuscripts copied at Jarrow is easily recognized, while the manuscripts of Cluny are not.) By exploring these factors, I hope to show the limitations of the term ‘scriptorium’ The Helgafell Scriptorium (Iceland, 14th cent.) Guðvarður Már GUNNLAUGSSON The Árni Magnússon Manuscript Collection, Reykjavík gudvardr@hi.is In this paper, I will speak about manuscripts produced at the Augustian house at Helgafell in the western part of Iceland in the 14th century. Scholars have argued that 20-25 manuscripts and fragments of manuscripts were written there over a period of about 25 years in the middle of the century by 5 scribes. In fact, 10-15 other manuscripts and further scribes can be connected to the house. Some of these manuscripts are famous for their elegant appearance: they are written in a large script, have large margins, and are richly illuminated. They contain many of the literary genres known from 14th-century-Iceland, i.e. laws, kings’ sagas, contemporary sagas, saints’ lives and biblical texts. Scholars have also argued that some of these books were ordered by a nearby aristocrat who lived at Skarð. The fact that there are many books containing a wide spectrum of literary genres, written by several scribes over a relatively short time-period, and which can be connected to the Helgafell house, indicates that it is possible to talk about a scriptorium there in the middle of the 14th century. Finally, I will talk about two of these scribes (called H1 and H2) and their scripts, and discuss the possibility that H1 is actually two scribes. L’homogénéité graphique du scriptorium de Saint-Pierre de Jumièges au XIe siècle Maria GURRADO Paris mariagurrado@yahoo.fr J’envisage de mener une enquête sur l’ensemble des manuscrits originaires de l’abbaye de Saint-Pierre de Jumièges recensés dans le catalogue des manuscrits datés, au nombre d’une trentaine pour la période envisagée (fin du XIe siècle). A l’aide d’un outil informatique (la deuxième version, actuellement à l’étude, du plug-in informatique Graphoskop) je compte tester la cohérence dimensionnelle des écritures réalisées dans le scriptorium de l’abbaye. Cette analyse métrologique, complétée par un minutieux examen paléographique et codicologique, visera à cerner les particularités de la production de l’abbaye sur les plans graphique et extra-graphique par comparaison avec les écritures d’un ou deux autres scriptoria (à déterminer). Il s’agira d’une part d’estimer la stabilité du style de l’ensemble de la production écrite datée, de l’autre d’identifier, si possible, les différentes mains intervenant dans les manuscrits. A un niveau plus général, je compte contribuer à reconstruire l’histoire du scriptorium de l’abbaye de Saint-Pierre de Jumièges. Entre le scriptorium et la cella : production communautaire et copie individuelle dans les monastères de l’ordre des croisiers au XVe siècle Xavier HERMAND Fondation universitaire Notre-Dame de la Paix, Namur xavier.hermand@fundp.ac.be Apparu au milieu du XIIIe siècle, l’ordre des croisiers s’est principalement implanté dans les anciens Pays-Bas et en Rhénanie. S’il appartient à la grande famille des chanoines réguliers, il a subi une forte influence dominicaine, bien visible dans l’adoption des constitutions des prêcheurs en 1248 ou à travers l’importance dévolue à la prédication, exercée indépendamment du cadre paroissial. En 1410, l’ordre a connu une profonde réforme qui s’inscrit dans le vaste mouvement de l’observance ; dans les décennies suivantes, les monastères croisiers abritèrent une intense activité d’écriture, dont subsistent aujourd’hui encore des centaines de témoins manuscrits. De manière schématique, cette production peut être répartie en deux ensembles qui rendent compte de la coexistence, dans les couvents de l’ordre, de deux types de production de livres radicalement différents. 1° Les volumes transcrits en réponse aux besoins culturels des communautés, selon une politique de copie planifiée par les responsables des couvents, et destinés à être conservés dans les librariae monastiques : ces livres sont reconnaissables à leurs caractéristiques codicologiques et paléographiques (travail en équipe, support d’écriture ” mixte “, littera gothica hybrida…). À leur sujet, on peut vraiment parler d’une production de scriptorium, semblable à celle qui avait pu se développer à l’âge d’or des ateliers d’écriture monastiques. 2° Les manuscrits exécutés par les frères sur initiative personnelle : la présence de cellules dans les couvents croisiers, expressément prévues par les constitutiones de l’ordre, a favorisé la diffusion d’une activité de transcription à des fins privées, qui échappait sans doute largement au contrôle institutionnel ; les cahiers ou ensembles de cahiers réalisés dans ce contexte présentent un aspect bien différent des volumes copiés au service de la collectivité (papier, mise en page grossière, littera gothica cursiva…), annonçant déjà le manuscrit de l’époque moderne. En somme, le dossier richement documenté des croisiers éclaire un double phénomène, qui concerne d’ailleurs l’ensemble du monde monastique à la fin du Moyen Âge : la permanence, voire le renouveau, d’un travail de copie institutionnalisé, lié aux mouvements réformateurs ; mais aussi le développement de nouvelles pratiques d’écriture, plus informelles, étroitement associées à des intérêts ou à des besoins culturels individualisés, en rupture avec la notion classique de scriptorium. Uniformity and Variability in Cassinese Gospel Books – A Case Study in Scriptorium Production Engineering and its Description Andrew J. M. IRVING Yale University, USA airving1@nd.edu An important organizing principal for the attribution of origin and date to an undated and unlocalized manuscript is that of similarity. When an undated manuscript lacking explicit evidence of origin is found to be like another securely dated and localized product non ex sola scriptura, neque ex uno solo characterismo, sed ex omnibus simul as Mabillon counseled, it can, with some caution, be attributed to that “scriptorium” and by comparison with later or earlier products, be assigned a relative date. This principal of “likeness” depends on certain fundamental presuppositions of general uniformity of production at certain times and places. Such broad groupings of characteristics certainly do appear in relatively uniform clusters in medieval manuscripts and are usefully identified. Alongside this “sameness,” however, remarkable variability in individual features is frequently attested. What is the reason for the uniformity in some features, but irregularity in others? What, makes variability significant in some features, but insignificant in others? What does the interplay between variability and uniformity tell us about the dynamics of what we might, with due caution, call “production engineering” in the medieval “scriptorium”? Of course the sort of uniformity and predictability which is demanded by mass production of objects for commercial consumption, facilitated greatly by the advent of mechanized methods of production, was not possible or perhaps even desirable in non-commercial medieval “scriptoria” in which book products were hand-made and adapted to particular needs, both before binding and after. To recognize that the kind of absolute standardization to which we are now accustomed was unknown in products of medieval scriptoria, does not, however, say very much. As Frank Bischoff has shown in his analysis of variations in parchment thickness within individual codices, variability in individual features may be significant for reasons other than dating or localizing; even seemingly small variations may have been deliberately orchestrated by medieval scribes. This paper will explore the tension between uniformity and variability on the basis of codicological and palaeographical features in seven surviving Cassinese Gospel books from the late eleventh-century. The relative uniformity of the manuscripts’ text and function, and the security with which they have been each attributed to the Cassinese “scriptorium” under Abbots Desiderius and Oderisius I, furnish an opportunity both to identify common features across the sample, and to discuss intriguing examples of variability (e.g., ruling types and patterns; dimensions and proportions of the written space; punctuation, and litterae notabiliores). Comparison with data from the extant Desiderian/Oderisian corpus and from other Beneventan Gospel books will help to identify to what extent features found uniformly in the Cassinese Gospel books are peculiar to this group, or are better understood in light of their presence in other Cassinese manuscripts. Extensive digital photographs will amply illustrate the features discussed. La produzione documentaria e libraria nella canonica di San Zeno di Pistoia (sec. XI-XII) Michaelangiola MARCHIARO Archivio Capitolare di Pistoia micaelangiola@libero.it Il contributo mira a dimostrare l’esistenza di uno scriptorium annesso alla canonica di San Zeno di Pistoia e a delinearne un quadro dell’attività tra la fine dell’XI secolo e il primo quarto del XII secolo, ad indagare il ruolo dei notai entro la produzione documentaria capitolare e all’interno dello scriptorium stesso. Figura preminente in questi anni all’interno della canonica, fu appunto un notaio, Martino, la cui attività notarile, esercitata dal 1076 al 1104, è testimoniata da pergamene originali provenienti dai fondi della canonica di San Zeno e dal monastero di San Mercuriale di Pistoia e da copie autentiche contenute in un cartulario dell’Archivio Capitolare di Pistoia, il codice C.132. Durante gli anni del notariato, Martino, oltre a rogare atti per la canonica, divenne dapprima clericus (così si autodefinisce nella subscriptio di un documento del 1085) per poi entrare a far parte del collegio canonicale; infine, tra il novembre del 1104 e il luglio del 1105, fu eletto proposto del Capitolo ed è attestato come tale almeno fino al 1115. Contemporaneamente all’attività notarile di Martino e al suo ingresso nella canonica si può collocare la formazione del nucleo più antico della biblioteca capitolare, specchio della cultura dei canonici; il gruppo di codici, ancora quasi interamente conservato presso la Cattedrale di San Zeno, è caratterizzato da una straordinaria omogeneità a livello codicologico, paleografico e decorativo – peculiarità che provano l’esistenza di uno scriptorium all’interno della canonica – ed è testimoniato da un inventario di mano di Martino, databile entro il 1125, che annovera, all’interno del Breve recordationis de thesauro aecclesiae Sancti Zenonis, trentasei volumi. Martino non si preoccupò solo di registrare il patrimonio bibliografico della biblioteca: il confronto paleografico con i suoi documenti autografi ha permesso di individuare la mano del proposto all’interno di alcuni codici della biblioteca della canonica nei quali Martino introdusse alcuni esiti di lettera corsivi presenti negli atti da lui rogati negli anni precedenti. Infine, nel periodo della propositura di Martino e sicuramente per sua iniziativa, almeno per la prima parte del codice, composito di due elementi, si compì anche la copia del cartulario C.132, noto come Libro Croce, nel quale furono trascritti 265 atti relativi al trasferimento di beni fondiari alla canonica di San Zeno e alla loro successiva gestione patrimoniale. Martino sorvegliò la copia della parte del cartulario affidata al notaio Gualberto come dimostrano l’indice del contenuto ai ff. 2r-3v e la trascrizione delle rubriche iniziali di ogni singolo documento di mano di Martino. Le numerose affinità grafiche tra Martino e Gualberto – rilevabili anche nelle realizzazioni grafiche dei notai successivi – oltre a testimoniare una continuità del rapporto professionale tra i notai che collaborarono con la canonica di San Zeno, dimostrano che, all’interno della cattedrale, si svolse anche un’attività di insegnamento volta all’apprendistato notarile e alla probabile formazione di copisti da destinare alla realizzazione dei codici della biblioteca capitolare. The foundation and development of a Bamberg scriptorium: Frutolf of Michelsberg and his early twelfth-century legacy T. J. H. McCARTHY New College of Florida tmccarthy@ncf.edu As Hartmut Hoffman observed in Bamberger Handschriften des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts, the learned polymath Frutolf of Michelsberg (d. 1103) played a key role in the development of the scriptorium of Michelsberg in Bamberg (a monastery founded in 1015). Frutolf was schoolmaster of Michelsberg and we possess unusually detailed information about his copying activity from an annotated library catalogue compiled in the early twelfth century by Prior Burchard of Michelsberg (d. 1147). Burchard’s catalogue shows that most of Frutolf’s books were liturgical and teaching texts, reflecting Frutolf’s activities both in the schoolroom and in the liturgical life of his monastery. Burchard’s catalogue, however, is also a valuable source for the continuing develop-ment of Michelsberg’s scriptorium in the years after Frutolf’s death in 1103. It is uniquely personalised in a way unusual for medieval library catalogues: it records details about the copying activities of individual scribes and artists, and contains rare insights on such things as the rebinding of books. In short, the catalogue’s wealth of information paints a vivid picture of the Michelsberg scriptorium as a living centre of book production and learning during the early twelfth century. This paper proposes to use the rich evidence from Michelsberg as a case study for the monastic scriptorium of the early twelfth century. Building upon the work of Karin Dengler-Schreiber and Hartmut Hoffmann, as well as my own work, the paper will use the evidence of surviving manuscripts to contextualize the documentary evidence of Bur-chard’s library catalogues. Manuscripts to be discussed in detail will include Frutolf of Michelsberg’s three surviving autographs (today in Bamberg, Jena and Karlsruhe), as well as the Michelsberg manuscripts held in the Staatsbibliothek in Bamberg. The paper will show how our understanding of the monastic scriptorium-as well as of medieval intellectual culture in general-is defined by the materiality of the primary sources. In doing so, it focuses on two themes outlined in the call for papers: the production of books in relation to teaching activity and the personnel and organization of copying in scriptoria. Le scriptorium de la cathédrale de Coimbra au Moyen Âge Maria do Rosário Barbosa MORUJÃO Université de Coimbra rmorujao@gmail.com L’existence d’un scriptorium dans la cathédrale de Coimbra est attestée aussi bien par les mentions à sa scribania et à des manuscrits qui y ont été écrits comme par des manuscrits subsistant encore. Malheureusement, son ensemble n’a pas été préservé, dû à plusieurs conjonctures historiques adverses, comme le changement de place du siège épiscopal au XVIIIe siècle et l’incorporation des livres, aussi bien que du chartrier de la cathédrale, dans les bibliothèques et archives de l’État, à la suite de l’implantation de la république en 1910, sans avoir le soin de les conserver ensemble. Mon étude, continuant celle dont les résultats ont été présentés à Weingarten et d’autres entretemps menés à bout, portera sur les cartulaires et les obituaires de la cathédrale et permettra de jeter un peu de lumière sur l’organisation de son scriptorium, sur ses copistes et leur travail. Mais la cathédrale de Coimbra a été aussi un grand centre épigraphique, et jusqu’à maintenant cette autre manifestation graphique, la production d’inscriptions, n’a pas été mise en rapport avec l’activité du scriptorium, bien qu’elle ait déjà été étudiée. Celle-ci sera la troisième et dernière partie de la communication que je propose. Das Schreiben im Kloster als Weise der Bereicherung der Klosterbibliothek (am Beispiel der Sammlungen der regulierten Augustiner-Chorherren zu Zagan/Sagan) Wojciech MROZOWICZ Universität Wroclaw/Breslau wojciech.mrozowicz@gmail.com Der Beitrag wird der Schreibtätigkeit im Kloster der regulierten Augustiner-Chorherren in Zagan (deutsch Sagan, in Schlesien) im Spätmittelalter gewidmet. In der Universitätsbibliothek Wroclaw (Breslau) befinden sich heute rund 500 mittelalterliche Handschriften, die aus diesem Kloster stammen. Das ist die größte der 1810-1811 säkularisierten schlesischen Klosterbibliotheken. Aufgrund der systematischen Auswertung der Kolophone und anderer Schreibervermerke aus den vorhandenen Kodizes werden die Bedingungen sowie die Ergebnisse der Schreibtätigkeit der Saganer Augustiner-Chorherren dargestellt. Es werden noch dazu Informationen aus der Klosterchronik (Catalogus abbatum Saganensium) und anderen schriftlichen Quellen verwendet. Vorläufige Beobachtungen zeigen auf, daß ein Skriptorium neben der Bibliothek im Saganer Kloster vorhanden sein mußte. Es wurden heute rund 50 mittelalterliche Schreiber aus Sagan identifiziert, deren Schreibtätigkeit die Klostersammlungen bereicherte. Uno scriptorium di corte: Carlo d’Angiò e magister Faragius Giovanna MURANO Firenze giovanna.murano@gmail.com L’esistenza di uno scriptorium di corte a Napoli tra la seconda metà del Duecento ed i primi decenni è documentata dalla Ratio thesaurariorum della Cancelleria angioina. Agli scriptores librorum medicinalium venne concesso l’uso di un palatium (o parte di esso) “quod fuit qm Mathie Cutone in Platea Salliti de Neapoli iuxta domum qm Jacobi de Aquino, donec libros predictos scribant ad opus nostrum” (Reg. 1278 B, n. 30 col. 32). Tra coloro che ricevono uno stipendio nel 1292 sono ricordati i magistri rationales magne regie curie, consocii episcopi, auditores, custos archivii, registrator, scriptores e servientes deputati in officio rationum. Distrutti durante la seconda guerra mondiale, ma noti grazie a regesta e alle parziali trascrizioni o traduzioni pubblicate da Nicola Barone, Paul Durrier, Minieri Riccio ed altri, le registrazioni documentavano una intensa produzione libraria, centralizzata, che vede coinvolti oltre a maestri, traduttori e correttori, preparatori di pergamena, copisti, miniatori e rilegatori, molti dei quali provenienti da luoghi diversi. Negli anni Settanta-Ottanta del Duecento lo scriptorium è impegnato nella produzione di manoscritti contenenti traduzioni dall’arabo di magister Faragius, ebreo agrigentino, medico della scuola salernitana e di magister Matteo da Salerno. Tra queste il Taqwim al-sihha d’Ibn Butlan e l’enciclopedia medica di Al-Hawy Ar-Razi, opere di cui vennero approntati testimoni diversi, tutti di straordinaria magnificenza. La relazione intende esaminare i fattori istituzionali, politici ed economici che portarono alla creazione dello scriptorium ed indagare sulla destinazione finale delle diverse copie delle opere di medicina approntate per volere di Carlo I d’Angiò. A la (re)découverte des scriptoria français : le catalogue des manuscrits datés. Denis MUZERELLE Paris dm2@palaeographia.org Parmi les différentes collections nationales de catalogues de manuscrits datés, la série française est celle qui (comme l’indique explicitement son titre) accorde le plus d’attention à l’origine des volumes. Cette option se trouve amplement justifiée par la moisson qu’elle a produite. Le “paysage codicologique”, tel qu’on l’imaginait dans la première moitié du XXe siècle, s’est trouvé considérablement remodelé: de nombreux points ont émergé sur la carte – parfois, de véritables “îles au trésor” -; d’autres, qui focalisaient l’attention, ont été ramenés à de plus justes proportions. Il s’est notamment avéré que, contrairement à une idée ancienne – favorisée notamment par les travaux de Lesne sur la propriété ecclésiastique -, les établissements les plus riches n’étaient pas les seuls à entretenir un scriptorium. On a également constaté que la réputation de bon nombre de ces établissements tenait davantage à l’ampleur de leur bibliothèque qu’à ce qu’on pouvait réellement prouver de leur production. Un rapide tour de France permettra de dresser un bilan de ces “mises à/au jour” et d’insister sur quelques cas particulièrement intéressants du point de vue méthodologique. L’enquête a par ailleurs conduit à affronter de manière répétée certaines interrogations, et à essayer de définir quelques critères permettant d’y répondre de manière cohérente. Les principales sont: • Quel crédit peut-on accorder aux appréciations “qualitatives” : identifications de mains, apparentements stylistiques, caractères codicologiques ? • Dans quelle mesure l’usage auquel un volume est destiné (notamment dans le domaine liturgique) autorise-t-il à en extrapoler l’origine ? • Quelle valeur, en tant que preuve d’origine, peut-on reconnaître aux ex-libris “contemporains” et aux mentions dans des inventaires anciens ? Enfin, la carte des scriptoria, telle qu’on peut la dresser à partir du CMD, fait apparaître un terrible déséquilibre géographique, qui pénalise systématiquement la moitié ouest du pays, et sa moitié sud – de sorte que le quart sud-ouest atteint le comble de l’indigence. Cette situation traduit-elle des conditions de production différentes ou des déperditions inégales? Faute d’indices probants, on ne peut qu’avancer différentes hypothèses.

Proving the Existence of a Scriptorium: The Case of the Early South Italian Liturgical Rolls (Saec. X ex.) and the (Hitherto Unidentified) Scriptorium at Benevento from which They Came.Fancis NEWTON Duke University, USA francis.l.newton@gmail.com Scholarship today on the South Italian Exultet and other Rolls in Beneventan script has not recognized a paradox in an important area of the field: on the one hand, it is believed that the tenth-century Bishop (later Archbishop) Landulf I of Benevento played a large role in the development of liturgical rolls (surviving examples from Benevento in the Casanatense (Rome) and Vatican Libraries), while, on the other hand, it is doubted that the cathedral of Benevento under his rule had a scriptorium of its own. ( Certainly, as to the latter point, evidence has not before been brought forward to show the existence of a scriptorium in that period.) The liturgical requirements of this great liturgical innovator (cf. CIPL Topic 2a) render this interpretation (of no scriptorium of his own) hard to accept. The group of MSS labeled, in the standard study (La cathédrale de Bénévent, 1999), as “Manuscrits d’origine et/ou de provenance ‘Bénévent’ non assurée,” has never been carefully examined. A close palaeographical study demonstrates that six of the MSS on that list –and still preserved in the Biblioteca Capitolare of the city– dating from the late 10th century or 10th/11th (nos. 6, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15 –chiefly liturgical homiliaries) were written (the text) by a single scribe. His style is unlike that of any other Beneventan script center identified down to this time. This fact strongly suggests that in fact the Benevento origin as well as provenance of this group is, in fact, quite “assured.” To this group may be added a number of others (such as Benevento 8 and 18) in a very similar style. In this fashion one can build up a picture of the existence of a scriptorium (CIPL Topic 3a) at Benevento in the second half of the 10th century and at the threshold of the 11th. But this is not the whole story. Certain ones of the six manuscripts (e.g. Benevento 13) have incipits and explicits in a type of fine, slender Beneventan script –these incipits and explicits also have never been studied– that is the same as the script type of the liturgical rolls of Archbishop Landulf I. The presence of this script-type seems to tie liturgical rolls and liturgical homiliaries together as representing a single scriptorium And where more reasonable to localize this scriptorium than in the Duomo over which Landulf presided? It seems that palaeographical study of these manuscripts can fill a gap in our knowledge of the history of the development of liturgical rolls and in the history of the cathedral at Benevento. The Production of Liturgical Books for the Twelfth-Century Parish Church – Where and How?Dr Erik NIBLAEUS University of Erlangen erik.niblaeus@telia.com There is widespread scholarly agreement that the local church in the Latin West underwent a period of radical change in organisation, liturgy, and pastoral practice over the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Not least of these changes was the formation of what we today recognise as parishes as the basic unit of territorial and personal organisation. The liturgical aspect of parish-formation has received relatively little attention. In part, this is because liturgical manuscripts from eleventh- and twelfth-century local/parish churches are scarce and difficult to identify; in part, surely, because they are often scribally and artistically low-grade – grotty, rapidly written, and with little or no decoration. In this paper, I nonetheless propose to begin looking at what material there is, and – where the evidence proves too elusive – to speculate on where the scribes who produced it were active. Questions which need to be asked, and (if possible) answered, include the following: how can the service books of parish churches be identified? Are they palaeographically or codicologically distinctive? In which contexts were they produced? What was the role of organised religious communities (cathedral chapters, monasteries, houses of canons regular) in supplying the local secular church with service books? The paper will be based on a project on parish-formation which I am undertaking from the autumn of 2012 onwards. I will use examples from the Kingdom of the Germans, and propose, preliminarily, to focus on the archdiocese of Salzburg.Seeing scriptoria in scraps: Norwegian manuscript fragments and their historical context Åslaug OMMUNDSEN University of Bergen Aslaug.Ommundsen@cms.uib.no The knowledge of medieval scriptoria in western Scandinavia is limited for several reasons. Most importantly, survival of medieval manuscripts is poor, particularly in the case of Norway, where no monastic library or major book collection survived the Reformation and general turmoil of the sixteenth-century. In fact, only 10-15 Latin manuscripts and ca. 50 in the vernacular survive known to have been used in Norway survive today. The acquisition of large numbers of manuscripts by the royal administration of Denmark-Norway for binding of accounts, both contributed to their destruction and resulted in their partial survival. Accounts from ca 1550-1650 left ca. 15 000 single fragments from medieval manuscripts for the two countries combined, approximately 6000 of these from Norwegian bailiwicks. What, if anything, can these fragments tell us about scriptoria and book production? The fragmentary state of the source material means that work cannot simply start with analysing and comparing manuscripts. First we need to “establish” the manuscripts, and learn as much as we can about them based on a few scraps of parchment. A large number of fragments must first be grouped into units of different degrees of affinity: either coming from the same manuscript; coming from different manuscripts but featuring same scribe or music scribe, or showing similar styles of writing or characteristic palaeographical features. The process involves a considerable amount of frustration, not least when crucial pieces of a book, which for instance could reveal whether the book was monastic or not, are missing. With well over 99% of the manuscript material lost, the image of Norwegian scriptoria may never be more than a rough sketch. However, as Lilli Gjerløw, Michael Gullick and others have shown in the case of the scribe of the Old Norwegian Homily book (ca. 1200), it is possible to come a long way: A few fragments from a missal two antiphoners in that case contributed to contextualising the oldest vernacular surviving manuscript from Norway, and the identification of several hands working together indicated the existence of one particular scriptorium in Bergen. In this paper I will show other examples of groups of fragments and related manuscripts which either point to a local scriptorium, or show signs of belonging to already established scriptoria outside of Norway. The paper in general will address the two first questions under Interpretation: How can one prove the existence of a scriptorium, and how can one demonstrate the attribution of a manuscript to a particular scriptorium? The paper will be presented along with a power-point-presentation with images of the fragments and/or manuscripts referred to in the text. Between Middle Ages and modern era. Some remarks on the writing and scriptories in the reformed Franciscan monasteries in Bohemia in the end of 15th and beginning of 16th centuries. Hana PÁTKOVÁ Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic patkovahana@centrum.cz The paper will focus on the phenomenon of scriptories in the reformed Franciscan monasteries in the late medieval Bohemia. 1.It is generally known, that religious life in the late medieval Bohemia was predominated by utraquist confession. The hussite wars during the second and third decennium of the 15th century caused the extinction of many monasteries including the centers of written culture. On the other side, certain new phenomena appeared. Introduction of reformed Franciscans (de observantia) into the country during the 2nd half of the 15th century was probably the most important. The Franciscans founded several new monasteries or renewed older ones (Prague 1461, Bechyne 1491, Horaždovice 1504, Plzen 1460, Tachov 1460, Kadan 1473, Jindrichuv Hradec 1457, probably Most), even the Bohemian-Moravian province was created in the year 1469, several decennia before the reformed Franciscans were approved by pope Leo X. (1517). 2. In the milieu of those monasteries two important groups of manuscripts are preserved: the manuscripts written in the monastery of Bechyne and those from the monastery of Kadan. There are also mentions in the sources informing about writing in other monasteries, like Horaždovice in the south of the country and Plzen and Tachov in western Bohemia. 3. Some of the preserved manuscripts were analysed from the point of view of art history (the manuscripts of Kadan by Marie Studnicková), or, more generally, from the point of view of codicology or history of libraries (the history of medieval libraries in western Bohemia by Ivan Hlavácek). From the paleographic point of view, no research has been prepared yet, even though the manuscripts show remarks of the different script and writing tradition in the comparison with the development in late medieval Bohemia. 4. The analysis of the writing and book production in both monasteries based on the preserved manuscripts will contribute to two major topics: – a. How was the writing organised, who participated in it, and for whom the manuscripts were written – b. About coexistence and mutual influence of traditional script and writing in Bohemia and new elements brought by Franciscans. Scrivere nelle cattedrali della Toscana occidentale. Pisa, Lucca e Volterra nei secoli X-XII Andrea PUGLIA Università di Siena, sede di Arezzo andrea.puglia@yahoo.it Il paper intende prendere presentare i primi risultati dell’analisi della produzione libraria manoscritta delle città di Lucca, Pisa e Volterra ragionevolmente ascrivibile all’ambiente della cattedrale e della canonica della cattedrale tra X e XII secolo. I problemi principali che si presentano allo studioso nello svolgimento di questo tema sono: – l’assenza di notizie sull’esistenza e il funzionamento di scuole cattedrali – La difficoltà nell’individuare una produzione sistematica in loco di manoscritti (scriptoria) per Pisa e Volterra, mentre qualche notizia maggiore si conosce per Lucca. – L’estrema frammentarietà della conservazione I dati di partenza della nostra analisi sono: – La raccolta di frammenti di manoscritto e manoscritti integrali ragionevolmente attribuibili all’ambiente cattedrale – La conoscenza della cultura grafica del clero cattedrale parzialmente nota attraverso: sottoscrizioni; note di possesso e inventari; documentazione non notarile – La possibilità di descrivere alcuni scriptoria attivi nei secoli in questione di ambito monastico o canonicale (o ambienti scrittori non comprendenti le cattedrali, ma aventi contatti con esse). L’obbiettivo che ci poniamo con la nostra analisi consiste nella risposta alle seguenti domande: esiste un processo di scrittura sistematico di manoscritti in cattedrale e una coesa comunità di scrittura? In che misura ciò si verifica nelle tre diverse città? Cosa è giunto fino a noi? Per quanto concerne la proposta del convegno, la parte su cui vogliamo rivolgere la nostra attenzione è la terza (“interpretazione”), in particolare ciò che concerne la definizione di scriptorium (punti a, b, c), attraverso la risposta alle seguenti domande: quali elementi materiali, grafici, funzionali devono presentarsi contemporaneamente per definire una produzione facente parte di uno scriptorium? Quale grado di sistematicità ha la produzione degli ambienti episcopali e canonicali delle tre città in rapporto ad altri scriptoria più strutturati (come per esempio quelli monastici)? Quali abilità e competenze venivano utilizzate? L’inventariazione, descrizione e analisi del materiale manoscritto contribuisce alla definizione di una geografia scrittoria e produttiva che per quanto concerne la Toscana occidentale è ancora frammentaria e concentrata su produzioni più sistematiche di ambito essenzialmente monastico. Scriptores de scriptoriis : mentions de ” scriptoria ” dans les colophons latins, les mots et les réalités Lucien REYNHOUT Bibliothèque royale de Belgique lucien.reynhout@kbr.be Les colophons seront considérés ici comme l’une des sources décrivant des faits sur l’existence de ” scriptoria ” liés à des institutions religieuses ou laïques. L’absence du mot scriptorium dans les colophons ne doit pas empêcher de considérer les réalités concrètes qui se cachent derrière ces petits textes souvent très formalisés. Il existe toutefois un net contraste entre le Haut Moyen Âge, dont les colophons, plus rares, décrivent de manière souvent floue la situation de scriptoria attestés par ailleurs, et la fin du Bas Moyen Âge, caractérisée par une production plus individualisée de l’écrit, dans le clergé séculier comme régulier -donc en opposition à l’image d’Epinal du ” scriptorium monastique ” organisé- mais dont les colophons très nombreux sont souvent assez précis sur la réalité des situations, mentionnant par exemple le lieu géographique ou institutionnel de la transcription, le statut et des éléments de prosopographie des acteurs de la production livresque (auteurs, copistes, commanditaires, etc.), les types de relations ayant existé entre des institutions et des personnes autour de la production du livre manuscrit, ainsi qu’un vocabulaire technique qui permet d’entrevoir la nature et la répartition des tâches, etc. Dans le contexte de cette production individualisée, c’est donc davantage dans l’existence de réseaux de collaboration et dans la description des modalités de celle-ci que transparaîtra la notion de ” scriptorium “. Une typologie des informations fournies par les colophons sera établie et illustrée -à défaut pour le moment de pouvoir établir des statistiques sur une grande échelle- par l’explication d’exemples particulièrement significatifs qui seront remis dans le contexte de la production écrite de leur époque et/ou de leur région. The Dominican Scriptorium at St Jacques, and its production of liturgical exemplars Eleanor GIRAUD (née RUTHERFORD) University of Cambridge ejr57@cam.ac.uk Following the reform of the Dominican liturgy, completed by Humbert of Romans in 1256, there was a concerted effort at the Parisian convent of St Jacques to produce several ‘exemplars’: comprehensive compendia comprising all the books needed for liturgical celebration, which would facilitate the dissemination of the revised liturgy. Three such exemplars survive today: one originally kept at the St Jacques convent in Paris, a smaller portable exemplar which belonged to the Master General of the Dominican Order, and a fragmentary exemplar made for the province of Spain. Although some copying may have been undertaken by Dominican brothers, the majority of the work was most probably completed by a group of professional scribes working under the supervision of one of the Dominican brothers. Despite the involvement of many different copyists within each exemplar, the results are remarkably homogenous, probably owing to the strict implementation of particular stylistic choices, such as consistent writing frames. Through a codicological study of the exemplars, and a palaeographical study of the notation in particular, I shall demonstrate that the exemplars were made by a cohesive group of professional copyists, all adhering to certain stylistic guidelines, and working together within the convent to produce the exemplars for the Dominicans’ liturgical needs. As such, I shall address the issue of personnel and organisation of copying within the Dominican Scriptorium at St Jacques, Paris in the third quarter of the thirteenth century. Gab es im spätmittelalterlichen Pressburg ein Skriptorium? Juraj ŠEDIVÝ Bratislava juraj.sedivy.ffuk@gmail.com Prassburg (slow. Bratislava) – eine Grenzstadt des Königreich Ungarns mit starken wirtschaftlichen und sozialen (aber auch kulturellen) Beziehungen zum österreichischen Donauraum. Die erhaltenen Hss., die nach Pressburg lokalisiert wurden, sind nur ca. zwei Dutzend und stammen vom Anfang des 14. bis zum Anfang des 16. Jhs. Die Entstehung von einem Teil von Ihnen wurde im einheimischen Zisterzienserinnenkloster gesucht – neuere Forschungen ergaben jedoch, dass fast alle mit dem dortigen Kollegiatkapitel (bzw. der Kapitel- und Pfarrkirche) verbunden sind. Man kann die “Pressburger Codices” in mehrere Gruppen reihen: 1) die ältesten Einzelstücke (1. Drittel des 14. Jhs., aus Gran oder Pressburg), 2) die 1. Blütezeit des Pressburger “Skriptoriums” (1340-er Jahre), 3) Einzelstücke aus der Zeit Sigismunds von Luxemburg, 4) die 2. Blütezeit des Pressburger “Skriptoriums” (konservative Gotik – 2. Hälfte des 15. Jhs.), 5) Durchbruch der Renaissance (nur Fragmente erhalten – Anfang des 16. Jhs.). Der Weg zur Erforschung eines potentiellen Skriptorium: 1) explizite Erwähnung und Autorenschaft durch einheimische Schreiber (Kanoniker oder Skriptoren): (die Hss. des 14. Jhs. meistens anonym, ab Ende des 14. Jhs. bereits erste Namen – die zeigen eindeutig, dass die Hss. von oder für das Kollegiatkapitel sowohl in der Institution selbst entstanden sind als auch an auswertige Skriptoren /im 15. Jh. sogar Laie/ vergeben wurden). 2) Die Komparation der einzelnen Hss.-Gruppen miteinander erlaubt keine eindeutigen Rückschlüsse auf die Frage, ob es ein Skriptorium gegeben hat. – eindeutige Beziehungen nur in der Liturgie, – Verwandschaften in der Hs.-Verzierung (z. B. künstlerische Abhängigkeit der sgt. Pressburger Missalia I. und “A”). 3) Analyse der Hss. innerhalb von “ihren Gruppen”: die Schreiberhände zeigen einheitliche Schriftformen – ist aber bereits mehr das Ergebnis der Uniformisierung der gotischen Schrift als einer lokalen Schulung. The DigiPal Project for Late Anglo-Saxon Script Peter A. STOKES Dept. Digital Humanities, King’s College London peter.stokes@kcl.ac.uk Numerous scholars to date have tried to attribute eleventh-century vernacular English minuscule to scriptoria but this has proven extremely difficult, due not only to a lack of clearly localisable examples but also to the significant variation in scribal hands. The resulting attributions have therefore often been overturned to the detriment also of historical and literary scholarship. The question here, as Albert Derolez has asked, is how to be ‘clear and convincing’ in such uncertainty. His proposed answer led to a surge in so-called ‘digital’ palaeography, as represented by Kodikologie und Paläographie im Digitalen Zeitalter, but it is still unclear how (or if) these computer-generated numbers can be used for attribution or for the study of scribal practice at particular scriptoria. The DigiPal project (http://digipal.eu) represents an alternative approach, aiming to provide material as evidence for investigation and argument. The website will give detailed searchable descriptions of the complete corpus of (approximately) 1200 known surviving examples of vernacular script from the eleventh century, with high-quality images of about half of these, all freely available online. The material will be open to detailed searches and visualisation, and this free availability of description, data and image allows one not only to explore this complete corpus but also to present evidence more effectively than before. The detailed description and capacity for searching raises many challenges terminology and how to represent details of handwriting precisely and unambiguously. To this end a new model for handwriting has been developed which allows one to explore not only features of particular graphs on the page, but also characteristics of individuals and groups of individuals, for example those attributed to a given monastic community or scriptorium. It also allows one to characterise features of style across letters in a script, such as the way that minims or ascenders are constructed, again with clear implications for the characterisation of regional practices and house styles. The presentation will demonstrate the DigiPal system, with emphasis on its use for research into scribal practice in late Anglo-Saxon scriptoria. The model will be explained in brief, and the discussion will keep in view the context of methodological questions about quantitative and qualitative evaluation of handwriting and how arguments about this might be presented in a clearer and more convincing way. The demonstration system will also be available for testing and feedback throughout the Colloque. A ‘live’ version of the DigiPal system will be on the presenter’s laptop computer and this will be used with a normal data projector to present images of manuscript pages, palaeographical features and other related evidence from the corpus. Un couteau dans la main gauche ? Organisation du scriptorium et correction des textes d’après le feuillet de corrections du ms. Paris, Bibl. nat. de france, Arsenal, ms. 302 Dominique STUTZMANN Institut de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes, CNRS dominique.stutzmann@irht.cnrs.fr Les traces de collation dans les manuscrits médiévaux sont fréquentes (grattages, ajouts…), les mentions explicites du processus de correction (r, correctum…) le sont moins. Tout à fait exceptionnels sont les documents qui permettent de reconstituer le processus complexe de correction, qui fait intervenir plusieurs acteurs. Tel est le cas du feuillet préliminaire du ms. Paris, Bibl. de l’Arsenal, ms. 302 [Fontenay, XIIe s.], contenant les Enarrationes in psalmos de saint Augustin. Écrit sur le recto seul, il a anciennement servi de contregarde et contient une suite de paragraphes numérotés par des chiffres romains et composés de séquences incohérentes de mots et lettres. L’analyse révèle que chaque séquence est une correction apportée par grattage dans le manuscrit et prouve que le travail d’emendatio se fait en plusieurs temps. Le scribe n’a pas besoin d’écrire ” avec un couteau dans la main gauche “. Pendant ou après la copie, le copiste ou un relecteur signale les passages dont le sens semble corrompu, en traçant en marge la lettre ” r ” pour ” require “. Ce même lecteur, ou un second, compare alors ces passages avec autre exemplaire du texte et il dresse la liste des corrections à apporter sur un feuillet séparé dans l’ordre des corrections : c’est le feuillet qui est relié en tête du ms. 302. La correction n’est pas portée immédiatement dans le texte, mais d’abord copiée en marge, avant d’être réécrite sur le passage fautif après grattage. Ensuite, la correction marginale elle-même devait être grattée. La mise en page du feuillet de correction montre également que le travail se faisait avant la reliure, mais sur cahiers signés, car le numéro de chaque paragraphe correspond à celui du cahier où se trouvent les corrections. Parmi les corrections prévues certaines sont très brèves (une seule lettre) et l’on peut s’étonner de cette étape intermédiaire, qui consiste à faire figurer toutes les corrections sur un même feuillet, plutôt qu’à indiquer directement en marge les corrections nécessaires. Ces corrections minuscules, l’étude paléographique et la conservation du feuillet contribuent, enfin, à en faire la preuve de l’existence d’un atelier organisé en milieu monastique – un scriptorium – et d’un processus de correction : seul un groupe suffisamment établi et doté d’une organisation rigoureuse, avec des processus de production définis pour garantir la qualité du résultat final, peut s’imposer des opérations multiples avec division et répartition des tâches : certains avaient seuls le droit de porter directement la main sur le livre manuscrit ; d’autres étaient responsables du contenu du texte. Cela signifie donc l’existence d’un scriptorium établi et pérenne. La similitude de la main du texte et de celle des corrections ainsi que l’agencement par cahier permettent de conclure sur l’activité de correction et d’y voir une phase intégrée à la production originelle du manuscrit et à inférer l’existence d’un groupe organisé pour la correction. Bedeutung und Organisation des Scriptoriums im frühmittelalterlichen Kloster St. Gallen – das Zeugnis der Geschichtsschreibung Ernst TREMP St. Gallen Ernst.Tremp@kk-stibi.sg.ch Die St. Galler Historiographie des Frühmittelalters liefert eine Fülle von Nachrichten über das Scriptorium und die Buchherstellung im Kloster. Als Hauptquellen für unsere Fragestellung sind die “Casus sancti Galli” Ratperts und seiner Fortsetzer, insbesondere die berühmte erste Fortsetzung von Ekkehart IV. († um 1060), zu untersuchen. Auch die “Gesta Karoli Magni” des Notker Balbulus und nach Möglichkeit weitere erzählende Texte sind heranzuziehen. Mit einzelnen Aspekten des Themas hat sich der Autor bereits bei früheren Gelegenheiten befasst. Die damals gewonnenen Erkenntnisse sollen nun vertieft und anhand des Fragenkatalogs des CIPL-Kolloquiums differenziert werden. Dabei beschränken wir uns strikt auf die narrativen Quellen. Die reiche Handschriftenüberlieferung St. Gallens, ihre paläographischen, codicologischen und buchkünstlerischen Elemente wie auch die Aussagen des St. Galler Klosterplans werden in die Untersuchung nicht miteinbezogen; sie sollen anderen Referaten vorbehalten sein. Zu den folgenden Punkten des Gesamtkonzeptes wird das Referat insbesondere einen Beitrag liefern können: 1. Wort und Begriff: Vorkommen und Bedeutung des Begriffs scriptorium und seiner Synonyme (mit Hilfe der Wortkonkordanzen und Wortregister) 2. Fakten: Die Arbeitsplätze des Scriptoriums im Kloster – Personal und Arbeitsorganisation des Scriptoriums – Die Bedürfnisse des klösterlichen Lebens an Chorbüchern, gelehrter Literatur usw. – Buchproduktion und ihr Bezug zur Klosterschule (Lehre und Ausbildung) – Kopie und Weitergabe von Texten als geistliche Betätigung. Lo scriptorum della cattedrale di Verona attraverso l’analisi dei manoscritti delle opere di sant’Agostino Donatella TRONCA Verona donatellatronca@hotmail.it La relazione che vorrei presentare riguarda lo studio dei manoscritti tardoantichi e altomedievali delle opere di Agostino d’Ippona conservati presso la Biblioteca Capitolare di Verona. Attraverso l’analisi materiale, paleografica e storica dei sette codici contenenti varie opere dell’Ipponate, è stato possibile rilevare come quattro di essi siano stati verosimilmente prodotti proprio dallo scriptorium veronese in età carolingia. Questo tipo di approccio ha reso possibili nuove considerazioni sulla storia culturale della Cattedrale e sulla necessità di produrre libri che avessero una destinazione liturgica, oltre a quella di fornire la biblioteca stessa di un patrimonio bibliografico attraverso l’attività di copia dei testi. Ci si è potuti così esprimere in modo più fondato anche su figure, come quella dell’arcidiacono Pacifico, e sullo scriptorium veronese, che la storiografia moderna aveva contribuito a circondare di un’aura che non esiterei a definire mitica. In questa prospettiva, un’importanza centrale ha assunto anche lo studio della sedimentazione delle scritture marginali come traccia tangibile delle pratiche di lettura. Welche Skriptorien? Zu Stand und Perspektiven der Skriptorien-Forschung in Österreich Martin WAGENDORFER Kommission für Schrift- und Buchwesen des Mittelalters an der ÖAW, Wien Martin.Wagendorfer@oeaw.ac.at Auf österreichischem Gebiet findet sich eine große Anzahl von Klöstern und Stiften, die im Mittelalter über mehr oder wenige große Bibliotheken und Skriptorien verfügten oder verfügt haben müssen. Noch heute sind viele dieser Bibliotheken in situ erhalten und erlitten im Zeitalter der Säkularisierung im Gegensatz zu anderen Ländern nur mäßige Verluste. Mit dieser an sich günstigen Ausgangslage für einschlägige Untersuchungen kontrastiert der Umstand, dass bisher nur sehr wenige systematische Studien (zumindest nicht in Form größerer Monographien) über mittelalterliche österreichische Skriptorien (B. Bischoffs südostdeutsche Schreibschulen oder C. Pfaff über das Skriptorium Mondsee) publiziert wurden und auch kleinere Studien zum Teil unbefriedigend sind oder nur Detailprobleme behandeln. Dies trifft besonders für das Hoch- und noch mehr für das Spätmittelalter zu, für welches kaum Untersuchungen zu existieren scheinen, obwohl die zunehmend breiter werdende Materialbasis einen besseren Zugang zur Fragestellung erwarten ließe. Der hier vorgeschlagene Beitrag hat das Ziel, den österreichischen Bereich exemplarisch für folgende Fragestellungen auszuwerten: 1) Zunächst soll ein kurzer Überblick über den status quo der Forschung gegeben werden. Damit verbunden sind folgende Fragen: Wie belegen die bisher vorhandenen Studien die Existenz österreichischer Skriptorien (paläographisch, kunstgeschichtlich etc.; gibt es “externe” Quellenbelege)? Welche Größe hatten österreichische Skriptorien und über welche Zeitspannen kann man ihre Existenz bisher nachweisen? 2) Wo sind die Gründe dafür zu suchen, dass auch Sammlungen mit sehr gut erhaltenen Beständen (wie etwa die Stiftsbibliothek von Klosterneuburg, Admont, Heiligenkreuz u. a.) bisher kaum aufgearbeitet sind? Warum sind gerade spätmittelalterliche Bestände (wie etwa in Stift Seitenstetten oder dem Schottenstift in Wien) überhaupt noch nicht untersucht? 3) In welchem Rahmen entstanden bisher Studien zu österreichischen Skriptorien (kunstgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, Katalogisierungsunternehmen etc.)? Wie wird die Erforschung der Skriptorien von der Katalogisierung oder von verschiedenen Formen der Katalogisierung (nach numerus currens, Voll-, Spezial-, Kurzkataloge etc.) beeinflusst? 4) Welche Zukunftsperspektiven ergeben sich aus heutiger Sicht aus den laufenden Katalogisierungsunternehmen sowie aus modernen technischen Hilfsmitteln, die früher noch nicht zur Verfügung standen (etwa Wasserzeichen-Datenbanken, Digitalisierungsprojekte etc.)? Welches Ergebnis verspricht die Einbeziehung neuer Quellengruppen (wie beispielsweise Urkunden), die bisher kaum für die einschlägige Forschung berücksichtigt wurden? Script, book production and the practice of the Rule at Christ Church, Canterbury in the mid twelfth century Teresa WEBBER Trinity College, Cambridge mtjw2@cam.ac.uk During the mid twelfth century a new generation of scribes at Canterbury perfected a variety of formal minuscule different in its proportions and features of style from the distinctive tradition that had been developed and variously interpreted by scribes there during the late eleventh and earlier twelfth centuries. The new style of minuscule displays features common to much mid-twelfth-century formal handwriting in England, but the degree of similarity in the manner in which the Christ Church scribes traced certain component elements of a number of graphs is striking and perhaps unusual. Close similarity between the hands of scribes working within the same scriptorium is a common although not inevitable phenomenon, but the degree of uniformity found in the handwriting of the surviving books produced by these scribes requires further explanation, especially when compared with the more varied interpretations of the ‘Christ Church style’ of the late eleventh and earlier twelfth century. This paper examines the handwriting of the scribes in relation to the types of books and documents produced and their functions, and to the wider context of the practice of the monastic life at Christ Church during the mid twelfth century. It will suggest that the uniformity of handwriting may be a consequence not only of shared training within a well-established tradition of formal handwriting but also a more deliberate expression of monastic discipline considered especially appropriate for those books that were of the greatest importance in their communal practice of the Benedictine Rule, such as the Bible, the Psalter, the Martyrology and the Rule itself, as well as for their royal confirmation charters. Occasional Workshops and Clustered Production of Eleventh-Century Italian Giant Bibles and Patristic Manuscripts Lila YAWN The American Academy in Rome & John Cabot University, Rome lila.yawn@gmail.com In 2000 Larry Ayres hypothesized that the earliest Italian Giant Bibles had come from a “large export scriptorium” closely associated with Peter Damian and the Roman reform party and devoted to producing monumental copies of biblical, exegetical, and liturgical texts for export to cathedrals and monasteries across Europe. Recently, Marilena Maniaci has suggested an alternative model of production, which acknowledges the often significant diversities within the genre. The Bibbie atlantiche, she proposes, resulted from “a polycentric if also authoritatively directed and coordinated production” of codices-an idea that recalls, without duplicating, Paola Supino Martini’s speculation that the scriptorium of St. John Lateran (i.e. the cathedral of Rome and papal residence) had promulgated a prototype Bible in the mid-eleventh century, thus setting new, Church-imposed, pan-European standards for the production of Latin Bibles. My own studies of the scribal and pictorial hands, prefatory texts, and separable textual units of eleventh-century Italian Giant Bibles have led me to different conclusions. In my view, many of the oldest examples (e.g. Admont, Stiftsbibl., Cod. C-D; Bibl. Apost. Vat., Pal. lat. 3-5; Milan, Ambros. B.47 inf.; Munich, Staatsbibl., Clm 13001; Parma, Bibl. Palatina, Palat. 386; Perugia, Bibl. Augusta, Ms. L. 59) were crafted not by a stable workforce operating in one or more writing offices directed or coordinated by the popes or other ecclesiastical authorities. Instead, I believe, they were made by variable teams of scribes and illustrators assembled on an ad hoc basis to execute individual commissions initiated and funded by a variety of patrons, both ecclesiastical and lay. This paper will examine palaeographic, codicological, and textual evidence for such commissions, with special attention to ‘clustered’ projects, those in which an Italian Giant Bible and one or more patristic, exegetical, or liturgical codices were written by the same ensemble of scribes. The paper will focus on the principal manuscripts of Edward Garrison’s Early Geometrical Umbro-Roman group (c. 1050-1100) and will consider, above all, the ways in which their texts were apportioned into writing units-that is, textually self-contained sets of contiguous gatherings-for purposes of copying by individual members of the scribal team. The function of these units, I will argue, was not to permit the writing of multiple Bibles simultaneously in the same workshop (i.e. in Ayres’s export scriptorium) as some codicologists currently hold but rather to facilitate the speedy production of single Bibles or of small groups of church books that had been commissioned together and which were destined, in some cases, for the same monastery or cathedral.

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